Monday, July 30, 2012

மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய தத்துவம் அறிவியல் நோக்குடைய தத்துவம்


அறிவியல் நோக்குடைய தத்துவம் பற்றி சிந்திக்கும்போதோ, அதன் வளர்ச்சியைப் பற்றி விவாதிக்கும்போதோ இந்நாட்டில் மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய வளர்ச்சியைப் பற்றியே நாம் குறிப்பிடுகிறோம். நாட்டிற்கு வெளியேயிருந்து கிடைத்த அனுபவத்தினால் மட்டும் எந்தவொரு தத்துவமும் வளர்ச்சியடைவதில்லை என்பதை நாம் முதலாவதாக உணர்ந்துகொள்ள வேண்டும். ஒரு தத்துவமானது வளர்ச்சியடைய வேண்டுமானால், அது புரட்சிகர இயக்கத்தின் உடனடித் தேவைகளுக்கும் பயன்படக் கூடியதாக, மக்களின் உண்மையான போராட்டங்களோடு ஒன்றுபட்டதாக இருக்க வேண்டும். இவ்வகையில் ஒரு தத்துவமானது மக்களின் போராட்டத்திற்கான ஒரு கருவியாக அமைகிறது. அதற்கேற்ற வகையில் ஒவ்வொரு குறிப்பிட்ட காலகட்டத்திலும் அப்புதிய தத்துவமானது வளர்ச்சியடைந்து கொண்டே போகிறது.
இரண்டாவதாக, ஒரு தத்துவமானது வெட்டவெளியில் இருந்து உருவாவதில்லை. மக்களில்லாமல், அத்தத்துவத்திற்காகப் போராடக்கூடிய வர்க்கங்களில்லாமல், அத்தத்துவத்திறகாகத் தங்களது உயிரையும் தியாகம் செய்யக்கூடிய மக்களில்லாமல், அத்தத்துவத்திற்கேற்ற வகையில் செயல்படத் தயாரான மக்கள் இல்லாமல், எந்தவொரு தத்துவத்திற்கும் எதிர்காலம் என்பதே இல்லை.
எனவே, மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய தத்தவத்தின் வளர்ச்சியைப் பற்றி அல்லது அறிவியல் நோக்கிலான தத்துவத்தின் வளர்ச்சியைப் பற்றி விவாதிக்கும்போது, இந்தியச் சூழ்நிலையில் அத்தத்துவத்தின் பொருள் என்ன என்பதை முதலாவதாக உணர்ந்து கொள்ள வேண்டும்.....
நமது நாடு இப்போது மிகவும் மோசமான நிலையை சந்தித்து வருகிறது. கடந்த 65 ஆண்டுகால சுதந்திரத்தில் நமது மக்கள் வறுமையையும், துயரத்தையும் மட்டும் எதிர் நோக்கவில்லை. நமது நாட்டின் ஒற்றுமையையும், ஒருமைப்பாடும் கூட அபாயத்திற்கு ஆளாகியுள்ளன. நாட்டை எதிர்நோக்கியுள்ள பிரச்சனைகளைப் புரிந்துகொள்ள வேண்டுமானால், மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய தத்துவத்தின் உதவியை நாடுவது அவசியம் ஆகும். மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய தத்துவத்தை ஒதுக்கித் தள்ளிய சக்திகளும், அரசியல் கட்சிகளும் நாட்டின் பிரச்சனைகளை சரியான முறையில் கையாளத் தாங்கள் தகுதி அற்றவை என்பதை நிரூபித்துவிட்டதோடு, இந்திய அரசியலையும் குழப்பியுள்ளன. அதே போன்று மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய தத்துவத்திலிருந்து வேறுபட்ட பல்வேறு வகையான சோசலிஸ்ட் கோஷ்டிகளும் நாட்டிற்கு அழிவிற்கு மேல் அழிவு செய்துள்ளன.
இன்றைய சூழ்நிலைக்குத் தீர்வு தேடுகின்ற, நமது நாட்டின் சுதந்திரம் மற்றும் ஒற்றுமையை பாதுகாக்க விரும்புகின்ற அனைவரும் மார்க்சிய - லெனினிய தத்துவத்தையே சார்ந்திருக்க வேண்டும். அத்தத்துவத்தின் மூலம் தற்கால நிலைமையின் பிரச்சனைகளையும், ஜனநாயகப் புரட்சியை, மக்கள் ஜனநாயகப் புரட்சியை நிறைவேற்றுவதில் உள்ள பிரச்சனைகளையும் உணர்ந்து செயல்பட வேண்டும்.
உலகத்தையே மாற்றியமைக்கும் இத்தத்துவத்தை இன்றைய இளைய தலைமுறை விரும்பியேற்கும் என்று நான் விரும்புகிறேன்.
(வி.பி.சிந்தன் நினைவு சொற்பொழிவு - 1987) 

Wednesday, July 25, 2012

முதலாளித்துவத்தின் உண்மையான முகம்

உழைக்கும் மக்களின் இரத்தத்தை உறி்ஞ்சி மேலும் தன்னை வலுப்படுத்திக் கொண்டு‍ முழு‍ வீரியத்துடன் மீண்டும் மீண்டும் உழைக்கும் மக்களின் உழைப்பை சுரண்டக் கூடியது‍ முதலாளித்துவம். 

குடும்பம், தனிச்சொத்து, அரசு - எங்கெல்ஸ்


குடு்ம்பம்
குடும்பத்திற்கு‍ ஆண் தலைவர்
பெண் வீட்டு‍ வேலைகளும் மகப்பேறு‍ தொடர்பான அனைத்திற்கும் பொறுப்‌பு. மரபுரீதியாக எழுதப்படாத சட்டமாக பாலினப் பாகுபாட்டை நிலைநிறுத்தி வந்திருப்பதோடுதலைமுறை தலைமுறையாக இக்கருத்துக்களைப் பின்வரும் சந்ததியினருக்கு‍ எடுத்துச் செல்லுகிற வலிமையான ஊடகமாகவும் குடும்பம் திகழ்கிறது.
இக் குடும்ப அமைப்பு தனிச் சொத்துரிமையின் பாதுகாவல் பொறுப்பையும் நிறைவேற்றி வந்துள்ளது.
தொடக்கால மனிதர்கள்குலங்கள்குலக் குழுக்கள்கணங்கள்இவ்வமைப்புகளினூடாக நிலவிய குடும்ப உறவுகள்குழு‍ மணங்கள்குலங்களுக்கிடையிலான உறவுகளும் போர்களும் தனிச்சொத்தின் உதயம்குலங்களுக்கிடையிலான சண்டைகள், அரசு‍ என்ற புதிய சமுதாய அமைப்பின் தோற்றம் வரை நெடிது‍ பயணித்த ஓர் ஆழமான ஆய்வைக் கொண்டது‍, எங்கெல்சின் குடும்பம்,தனிச்சொத்து,அரசு‍ ஆகியவற்றின் தோற்றம் என்ற நூலின் வரிகள்.

மனித இனம் சந்திக்க இருக்கும் பிரச்சனை

ஒட்டுமொத்த உலக மக்களும் வாழ வேண்டும் என்ற எண்ணத்தில் பயணித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கிறார்கள். இருந்தாலும் இது மனிதனுக்கு மனிதன் மாறுபடுகிறது, வாழ்க்கை என்ன என்பதை அவர்கள் புரிந்து கொண்ட கோணத்தில்  எடுத்துக் கொண்டு வாழ்க்கையை பயணித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கிறார்கள். ஒட்டுமொத்த உலகமும் எந்த பிரச்சனையை சந்திக்க இருக்கிறது என்றால் அது‍ உணவு பற்றாக்குறை என்ற மிகப் பெரிய பிரச்சனையாகத்தான் இருக்கும். அத்தியாவசியப் பொருட்கள் எதுவும் எளிதில் எல்லோருக்கும் கிடைக்கபோவதில்லை என்ற நெருக்கடிக்குள் எல்லோரும் சிக்க இருக்கிறோம்.  உணவிற்காக மிகப்பெரிய அடிதடி மனித இனத்துக்குள் வர இருக்கிறது. 

"சமத்துவம்"


நிலமும், வளமும், கல்வியும், அதிகாரமும்  என்று‍ தாழ்த்தப்பட்ட மக்களுக்கு‍ம் கிடைக்கிறதோ அன்றுதான் சமத்துவம் முழுமை பெறும்.
           
நிலம்......பொருளாதாரம் கொடுக்கக் கூடியது‍ மட்டுமல்ல. அது‍ அங்கீகாரத்தை உறுதிபடுத்தும் கருவி. ஆகையால்தான் துளி மண் ஆயினும் சுதந்திரம் வேண்டும் என்கிற கோட்பாட்டினை நாம் அனைவரும் ஏற்றுக் கொண்டிருக்கிறோம்.
           
நிலத்தை ஆதிக்கம் செய்த மிராசுதாரர்கள், நிலக்கிழார்கள், அம்பலக் காரர்கள் சாதிய ஆதிக்கத்தையும் தூக்கிப்பிடித்தனர்.
           
நிலத்தை உழுதவர்கள், பாதுகாத்தவர்கள் "கூறுகள்" என்றும் "அடிமைகள்" என்றும் "சாதிய வரலாறு‍" அடையாளப்படுத்துகிறது.....புத்தகத்தில் படித்தது......

நமது‍ இந்தியா என்று‍ வருகையில் பன்முக சாதியப் பிரிவுகளால் மக்கள் பிரி்க்கப்பட்டு‍, அந்தப் பரிவினையை தனக்கு‍ச் சாதகமாக மாற்றிக் கொண்டு‍ பெருவாரியான மக்களை இப்படித்தான் இந்த சமூகக் கட்டமைப்பு இதை மாற்ற இயலாது‍ என்ற வரையறைக்குள் கொண்டு‍ வந்துள்ளது‍ இந்திய முதலாளியம்.  இன்றைய சமுதாயம் மற்றும் புற சூழல்கள் ஏதோ சாதியம் இல்லாததைப் போன்ற தோற்றத்தை உருவாக்கினாலும், பெருவாரியான இந்தியக் கிராமங்கள்  சாதியத்தைத் தூக்கிப் பிடிக்கும் (அதாவது‍ வலுக்கட்டாயமாக) சாதியத்தை நிலை நிறுத்தும் அங்கங்களாகவே செயல்பட்டு‍ வருகிறது‍ என்றுதான் கூறவேண்டும்.  
                                             

புரட்சி வாழ்க!

மார்க்ஸ் யார்?
தத்துவ ஞானி, பொருளாதார மேதை, அரசியல் சித்தாந்த அறிஞர், சமூகவியல் நிபுணர், வரலாற்று விஞ்ஞானி, விஞ்ஞான ஆய்வாளர், மொழி இயல் வல்லுநர், இலக்கிய விமர்சகர், பத்திரிக்கையாளர், பிரச்சாரகர், அமைப்பாளர், அனைத்துக்கும் மேலாக மகத்தான புரட்சிக்காரர்!
அவர்தான் மாமேதை கார்ல் மார்க்ஸ்!
அது மட்டுமல்ல! புராணக்கதைகளில் கூட காணமுடியாத அளவுக்குத் தன் மனைவிக்கு  சிறந்த காதல் கணவராகவும், குழந்தைக்குச் சிறந்த தந்தையாகவும், நண்பர்களுக்கு அருமையான தோழராகவும் விளங்கிய அன்பு மனிதர்தான் கார்ல் மார்க்ஸ்!
மார்க்ஸ், எங்கெல்சை (" As Engels teacher us ...." Capital Volume1 Page 568) இவ்வாறு குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார். இதற்கு மேலும் எங்கெல்சைப் பற்றி நாம் குறிப்பிட வேண்டுமா? சமூக இயக்கத்தில் தத்துவங்கள் தோன்றுவதும் அழிவதும் இயல்பாய் நடக்கும் நிகழ்வே.ஆனால் உலக மக்கள் அனைவரையும் சிந்திக்கத் தூண்டும் தத்துவம் ஒன்று பிறந்தது. அது மனிதகுலம் உள்ளவரை அழியாத்தத்துவம். அது இதுவரை உள்ள சமூக இயக்கத்தை மேம்படுத்த உதவியது. வர்க்கங்களை அடையாளங் கண்டு உலகுக்கு காட்டியது. முதலாளி வர்க்கத்தை எச்சரித்தது. உரிமைகளை கேட்கக் கற்றுக் கொடுத்தது. அது மட்டுமல்லாமல் கிடைக்கவில்லை என்றால் போராடி புரட்சியின் மூலம் அடையும் வழியையும் பாட்டாளி வர்க்கத்திற்கு வகுத்தளித்தது. அப்பட்டமான   அரசை அம்பலப்படுத்தியது. முடிவில் மனிதம் நிலைத்து வாழ வழி வகுத்தது. அந்தத் தத்துவமே மார்க்ஸ், எங்கெல்ஸ் வகுத்தளித்த கம்யூனிசத் தத்துவமாகும்.
இவ்வளவு முறைமைகளையும் வகுத்தளித்த கம்யூனிசம் ஏதோ கண்ணாமூச்சி வித்தை அல்ல. அது வாழ்க்கையைப் பற்றிய அறிவியல். கால ஓட்டத்தால் அது செலுமையடையுமே தவிர அழியாது. அழிவும் கிடையாது. இது மார்க்ஸ் மற்றும் எங்கெல்ஸ் பற்றிய சிறு செய்தி. மார்க்ஸ்ம், எங்கெல்ஸ்ம் சமூகத்தைப் பற்றிய ஆய்வு செய்த பரப்பு மிகப்பெரியது. அந்தப் பரப்பின் எல்லையைக் காட்டும் ஒரு சுற்றுகோடுதான்  உங்களுக்காக மேலே கொடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. இதன் நோக்கம் நாம் மார்க்ஸ், எங்கெல்சின் கொள்கையைப் பற்றியும், மற்றும் அதை சமூக மாற்றத்திற்கு பயன்படுத்தி, உழைப்பாளிகளையும் ஏழை பணக்காரன் வித்தியாசம் இல்லாத சமத்துவமான சமூகத்தை உருவாக்குவோமாக! 


புரட்சி வாழ்க!!!!! 


மனிதன் தான் வரலாற்றைப் படைக்கிறான்.

மனிதன் இன்று தான் செய்யும் செயல்கள் தான் நாளைய வரலாறு. இது அனைவரும் அறிந்ததே. ஆனால் வரலாற்றில் இடம் பிடிப்பது எந்த வகையான செயல்கள்  என்று பார்ப்போம்.   
மக்களின் செயலை ஏதாவது ஒரு வழியில் தூண்டுவது எது ?
அது மாபெரும் தலைவர்களுடைய மன உறுதியின் விளைவா அல்லது அவர்களுடைய சிந்தனையில் தோன்றிய மேன்மையான கருத்துக்களின் விளைவா? 
அறிஞர்கள் ஒரு நாட்டை ஆட்சி செய்தால் மட்டுமே அந்த நாட்டு மக்கள் மகிழ்ச்சி நிரம்பியவர்களாக இருப்பார்கள் என்று ஒரு காலத்தில் பலர் நினைத்ததுண்டு. 
ஆனால் வரலாற்று எதார்த்தம் இதை நிராகரித்தது.தாங்கள் பங்கெடுக்கின்ற போராட்டங்களின் மூலம் தங்களுக்கு இத்தகைய பலன்கள் கிடைக்கும் என்பதை அறிந்தால் மட்டுமே பெருந்திரளான மக்கள்,சமூகத்தை மாற்றுகின்ற இயக்கங்களில் தீவிரமாகப் பங்கெடுப்பார்கள். மிகவும் சிறப்பான கருத்துக்கள் கூட போராட்டத்தில் ஈடுபடுவதற்கு ஒரு நபரை தூண்ட முடியாது; அதற்கு அப்போராட்டத்தின் மூலம் தனக்கு என்ன நன்மை கிடைக்கும் என்பதை அவர் தெளிவாகப் புரிந்து கொண்டிருக்க வேண்டும்.     ஒவ்வொரு நபரும் தனிப்பட்ட நோக்கங்களுக்குப் பாடுபடுகிறார் என்றாலும் பெரிய சமூகக் குழுக்கள் பொதுவான அக்கரைகளைக் கொடிருக்கின்றன;ஏனென்றால் அக்குழுக்களில் உள்ள தனிநபர்கள் சமூகத்தில் ஒரே இடத்தை வகிக்கிறார்கள், உதாரணமாக, முதலாளித்துவ சமூகத்தில் எல்லாத் தொழிலாளர்களும்  பொதுவான அக்கரைகளைக் கொண்டிருக்கிறார்கள்;ஏனென்றால் அவர்களில் எவரும் எந்த உற்பத்திச் சாதனங்களையும் உடைமையாகக் கொண்டிருக்கவில்லை. ஆகவே அவர்கள் எல்லோருமே ஏதாவது ஒரு முதலாளியிடம் உழைத்து வாழ்க்கை நடத்த வேண்டி இருக்கிறது. அவர்களுக்கு கூலியைக் கொடுத்துவிட்டு  முதலாளிகள் லாபத்தை அடைகிறார்கள். விவசாயிகளுக்கும் இது பொருந்தும். 
சமூக அமைப்பில் அவர்கள் வகிக்கின்ற இடத்தினால் அவர்களுடைய பொதுவான அக்கறைகள் நிர்ணயிக்கப்படுகின்றன. ஆகவே, வரலாற்று ரீதியில் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்ட சமூக உறவுகளின் அமைப்பில் தாங்கள் வகிக்கின்ற இடத்தினால் ஒன்றுக்கொன்று வேறுபடுகின்ற பெரிய மக்கட் குழுக்கள், வர்க்கங்கள் என்று சொல்லப்படுகின்றன. 
பொதுவான வர்க்க நலன்களுக்கான போராட்டமே மனித சமூகத்தின் நீண்ட வரலாற்றுக் காலத்தில் அதன் வளர்ச்சியை நிர்ணயித்திருக்கிறது. அதனால்தான் மார்க்சியத் தத்துவம் வர்க்கப் போராட்டமே வரலாற்றின் பிரதான இயக்கு சக்தி என்று முடிவு செய்திருக்கிறது. வரலாற்றின் அடிப்படையில் மனிதன் முழு மனிதனாக மாறியதற்கு உழைப்புதான் காரணம் என்று நம் தலைவர் கார்ல் மார்க்ஸ் சொல்லி இருக்கிறார். அந்த உழைப்பினால்தான் வரலாற்றையும் படைக்கிறான் மனிதன். 

Tuesday, July 24, 2012

Revolution

உலகில் நிகழ்ந்த அத்தனை புரட்சிகளும் தனிமனிதர்களால் துவக்கிவைக்கப்பட்டவைதான்.
அதாவது, தனிமனிதன் சக மனிதர்களைப் புரட்சிக்கு தயார்படுத்த, 
அது காட்டுத் தீ போல சமுதாயத்தில் பரவ சமுதாயம் 
புரட்சியை வெற்றிகரமாக நிகழ்த்துகிறது. அந்த புரட்சிக்கு 
மூலக்காரணம், அந்தத்  தனி மனிதன் என்கின்ற உத்வேகம்!  

Monday, July 23, 2012

Capitalism is a fraud

• Interview with Communist Party of Spain’s General Secretary


THE Spanish political activist, José Luis Centella, is far from the stereotypical figure at the podium. He speaks deliberately, exemplifying the adage that there is no need to shout when speaking the truth.

The party he has led since 2009 has a 90-year history of struggle, beginning with the defense of the Republic against fascism through the difficult times around the fall of the Berlin Wall. Centella is aware that the party is facing a new challenge today, given the economic and social crisis which is gripping Europe and especially Spain.

"For a period of 15 or 20 years, capitalism appeared to provide answers to Spain’s problems. There was employment, economic growth and a certain level of general well-being. And the socialist camp had disappeared. Even then, we said that was all fraudulent and based on speculation," the leader said in an interview with Granma.

"In Spain today we have an unemployment rate of 24%, while one of every two youth is without work. In regions such as Andalusia, where I come from, the figures are even worse. All of this added to a level of poverty which has increased five times over, in just a few years.

"That other capitalism was, in reality, a fraud. And now people are in a state of uncertainty, leading to expressions of rebellion.

"Given this situation," Centella affirms, "the PCE (Communist Party of Spain) appears as an instrument which can organize those affected by the crisis, to give the workers an instrument of struggle.

"At this time we are recovering the party’s strength. One of the keys to this has been reinitiating a clearly anti-capitalist and revolutionary discourse. Previously we went through a very difficult stage during which we lost our social base and strength, but in the last two congresses we have committed ourselves to strengthening our organization, to the displeasure of those who were rubbing their hands in glee, thinking that we were going to disappear."

In the midst of a serious social and economic crisis, channeling discontent along a revolutionary path is crucial, since as Centella said, "The danger exists that this [discontent] could be used by fascists."

"What fascism attempts to do is to identify the immigrant, your neighbor, as the enemy, to leave capitalism unscathed. The role of our party is to show who the real enemy is: a system which has plundered Spain, as it has many other countries."



The nature of the struggle in which they are immersed has obliged revolutionary movements in Europe to seek unity. Thus Centella spoke of the alliances the PCE has made within the United Left (IU).

"The party is participating in elections through this alliance, but maintaining its independence and structure in the rest of its work. The other groups within it are not all communists, but they are anti-capitalist, nationalist or environmentalist. The Spanish left, as is the case in the rest of Europe, faces the challenge of showing that there are alternatives to capitalism. Doing this requires learning from all previous historical processes, but not copying them.

Centella believes that today Latin America is leading the confrontation with capitalism, where Marxism is in the streets, and said, "What is at stake in the coming elections in Venezuela is not whether Chávez or Capriles will be President, but rather whether socialism will be constructed or the previous system returned.

"The European left must be conscious that at this time in history, Europe is in the rearguard in this confrontation with capitalism. Today we have to learn, as opposed to teach."

I FEEL AT HOME HERE

With respect to attempts by certain forces on the Spanish right to push a more aggressive anti-Cuban policy, Centella commented, "There is one fact which they have never been able to change. The Spanish people feel a great deal of solidarity for the Cuban people; despite many attempts, the right wing has never been capable of building anti-Cuba sentiment. They have never mobilized more than a couple of gusanos."

What is increasing every day is solidarity with Cuba. Centella said, "In Spain, the case of the Five is increasingly known, it is no longer taboo. This is an issue that must be made known; it shows the injustice of a country which boasts about democracy and combating terrorism."

"The movement in solidarity with the Five is very solid and many people have even been drawn closer to Cuba and its history after learning about these anti-terrorist fighters.

"The PCE has also waged a battle around the issue of the U.S. blockade of Cuba. Through an intervention in Congress, we were recently able to get the Spanish government to issue a statement condemning the blockade. It is very difficult to justify when faced with direct questions."

Centella’s long-standing relationship with Cuba has even turned him into a baseball fan. His team? Industriales. But his affection for the country goes much farther and he doesn’t hesitate to say, "I feel very much at home here."

STRATEGY AND TACTICS


How the left can organise to transform society
John Rees

Some lines are given that book...



Whose strategy, whose tactics?
Every organisation has strategy and tactics. Armies obviously have strategies and tactics. So do corporations, NGOs, charities, trade unions, governments, and political parties. But the strategy and tactics you adopt depend on the kind of organisation you are in. Moreover, differences in strategy arise because of the differing class base of the various organisations in society. 
So although it seems obvious that discussion of strategy and tactics should be about the most immediate and pressing campaigns in which we are involved, in fact, such discussion must start much further back. It must begin much deeper in the social structure. 

We, of course, are interested in the working class and its capacity for resisting the system. So let us look at some of the key characteristics of workers in capitalist society. 
Workers are an exploited and oppressed class. They have to work for a wage which represents only part of the wealth that their work produces – the rest creates profits for the owners of the factories, offices, mines, transport systems, information technologies, power industries, supermarkets, and all the other accumulated economic wealth of society.

This subordination has its counterpart in the ideas that workers hold, at least some of the time. Economic and political subordination breeds passivity and fatalism. Some of the clichés we learn early in life express this: ‘the poor are always with us’, ‘there will always be the rich man in his castle and the poor man at his gate’, ‘so it’s been, so it will always be’.

It is not surprising that many workers accept these ideas, at least partially. Their economic subordination involves being told when to work and when not, how hard to work and at what, what they will be paid, and how much they will have to pay for what they produce when it reappears on the market. 

This lack of control over the productive core of society – what Karl Marx called ‘alienation’ – does not encourage ideological independence. 

Every conservative, from the heads of corporations to the leaders of the Tory Party, relies on the passivity induced by powerlessness. It provides soil within which acceptance of the status quo takes root. 

So is our situation hopeless? Are we in an Orwellian1984-like nightmare where a completely divided and atomised working class is constantly disoriented and immobilised by the propaganda of our rulers? Is this not the Tory dream of a working class without the capacity for revolt? If this were true, our discussion of strategy and tactics would be a short one. No strategy is possible where no resistance takes place. 

But alienation is only half the picture. Te system always induces revolt as well as passivity. Te exploitation and oppression that working people and other groups suffer have always provoked resistance, revolt, and revolution. There always comes a point where some group of workers somewhere decide that enough is enough and that they must take some kind of action. 

But if the Tory dream of absolute passivity among working people is untrue, we must not think that its opposite, the anarchist dream of perpetual and spontaneous revolt among workers, is true either. 

In reality, there is always a battle between where workers interests lie – in combating the system – and where their consciousness is at any given time – which involves acceptance of the system at least to some degree. 

Some critics of Marxism say that this distinction– between workers’ interests and their consciousness – is an artificial one invented to explain away that fact that workers ought to oppose the system but often go along with it. How can you say, the critics ask, that workers have interests different from the views they express?

But this is really not a difficult idea to defend. In everyday life, we all accept that individuals’ interests’ can be different from their consciousness. Look at people who smoke cigarettes. We, and they, know where their interests lie. They lie in giving up smoking, because, as it says in large letters on every packet of cigarettes, ‘Smoking Kills’. Yet their consciousness does not register this fact and they go on smoking.

We think we have some insight into why people behave like this: peer group pressure, advertising, family example, stress, and so on. And many of the same social pressures, on a much greater scale, exist to persuade people not to strike, join a union, riot, or make revolution. 

The result is that most workers, most of the time, have what the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci called ‘contradictory consciousness’. They accept certain things about the system while rejecting others. They may be anti-racists, but admire the Queen. Or they may be great trade-union militants, but believe in immigration controls. The variety of such contradictions is endless.

The aim of socialists must be to raise the level of consciousness and combativity among workers. They must find a way to act with workers in such a way that the more conservative elements of this contradictory consciousness are reduced and the more progressive strengthened. 

This is what socialist strategy and tactics are all about: finding those organisations, slogans, and ideas that counteract conservatism and passivity among workers and instead encourage them to fight back.

Timing in revolutionary politics

The activity of a revolutionary organisation forms part of a chain of events taking place over time. Te revolutionary minority never controls the whole chain, because it is composed of economic factors, the actions of other political organisations, the consciousness and combativity of the working class, and many other elements that are either wholly or partially independent of the influence of the organised minority.

A network of revolutionaries can have a crucial effect on the course of events, but only
if it accurately gauges the way in which these other factors are shaping them, and if it tailors its actions to promote some outcomes and suppress others. Moreover, and crucially, since the weight of these factors and the overall direction of events are constantly changing, what a revolutionary organisation may be able to achieve at one time may not be achievable even a short time later. 

In short, the question of timing is crucial. This is never truer than in the timing of revolution itself. 

Here is one less well-known example from the English Revolution. In 1647, after the First Civil War, King Charles was being feted by the moderates in the House of Commons. If they had been successful, the radicals in the New Model Army, the decisive revolutionary force at this moment, would have been marginalised, and the revolution might never have achieved its full stature. 

But decisive action by Cromwell – who vacillated before and after attempting to come to a treaty with the King – and the Army radicals, led to the seizure of Charles by a troop of horses commanded by Cornet Joyce (a very worked junior officer). Asked by the King for his commission for the arrest, Joyce simply pointed to the troopers behind him. Had the King not been taken prisoner by the Army, he might have been restored to the throne. 

A more famous example comes from the Russian Revolution. The period immediately before the October insurrection was one of confusion among the leaders of the Bolshevik Party. Lenin wrote letter after letter urging preparations for a new insurrection. Lenin’s tone is frantic in this correspondence because he believed that delay would be disastrous: ‘Delay is criminal. To wait…would be…a betrayal of the revolution.’ And again: ‘to miss such a moment…would be utter idiocy, or sheer treachery…for it would mean losing weeks at a time when weeks and even days decide everything. It would mean faint-heartedly renouncing power, for on 1-2 November it will have become impossible to take power. 
’Finally, after he had threatened resignation from the Central Committee, the Party’s leading body, Lenin’s view prevailed and the insurrection took place on 25 October 1917. 
It is not always the case that urgency means a matter of days. In a revolution, as Lenin noted elsewhere, developments that normally take years can be contracted into days, even hours. 
But there is, nevertheless, always a window of opportunity outside which certain actions will no longer be possible or will not have the same force. In recent history, for instance, had revolutionaries not decided to launch the Stop the War Coalition within days of the attack on the Twin Towers, it is unlikely that it would have had the same galvanising effect that it did. 
Of course, it is also possible to move too quickly. Had the Bolsheviks attempted a revolution in the summer of 1917, when reaction was in the air, it would certainly have rebounded on them, strengthening the counter-revolution, perhaps decisively. At this time, the Bolsheviks to restrain those who wanted to push forward and launch an insurrection. But whether one is urging restraint or advance, issuing a clear call at the appropriate time is essential. 
Many years ago, the labour historian Ralph Samuel wrote that one of the things he disliked about the Communist Party was that there was always a tone of emergency in the organisation. Something or other always had to be ‘done now’, ‘could not wait’, and so on. This criticism is misplaced. If a revolutionary organisation is to play its role in the chain of events, whatever that role might be at any given time, it must act with dispatch. There is always something to be done, and, if it is to be done to maximum effect, it needs to be done in a timely manner.
But ‘timely’ is a variable quantity. What is necessary to prepare for imminent revolution may have to be accomplished with greater speed than the preparation for a demonstration in normal times that is six months hence. But since all organisations, even revolutionary organisations, produce their own inertia, adhering to past patterns of work even when new challenges arise, there will always be a battle to turn the organisation to a correct orientation in good time. 
Other political forces, both enemies and rivals, will not wait. So timing will always be of the essence for revolutionaries. Duncan Hallas, a leading revolutionary socialist and the author of a very useful study of 
Trotsky, used to quote Shakespeare to make the point:
There is a tide in the affairs of men, 
Which, taken at the food, leads on to fortune; 
Omitted, all the voyage of their life,
Is bound in shallows and in miseries. 
On such a full sea are we now afloat, 
And we must take the current when it serves,
Or lose our ventures.

Full Reference click blow the link.........

Comrades மார்க்ஸ் , எங்கெல்ஸ்

தொழிலாளி வர்க்கமும் அதன் கோரிக்கைகளும் இன்றையப் பொருளாதார அமைப்பு முறையிலிருந்து  விளைந்த அவசியமான விளைவே என்றும், இந்தப் பொருளாதார அமைப்பு முறையும் முதலாளி வர்க்கமும் சேர்ந்து தவிர்க்க முடியாத வகையிலே பாட்டாளி வர்க்கத்தை உண்டாக்கி, அதனை ஒழுங்கமைத்து  அணி திரட்டுகின்றன என்றும், முதன் முதலாக எடுத்துக் காட்டியவர்கள் Comrades  மார்க்ஸ் , எங்கெல்ஸ் இருவரும் தான்.

The Hay-market Massacre, 1886


The Hay-market Massacre, 1886

"The day will come when our silence
will be more powerful than the voices
you are throttling today."

                           — August Spies.......................................................................................

            “The scaffold awaited them. They were five, but Lingg got up early for death, exploding a dynamite
            cap between his teeth. Fischer was seen unhurriedly humming the ‘Marseillaise.’ Parsons, the
            agitator who used the word like a whip or a knife, grasps the hands of his comrades before the
            guards tie his own behind his back. Engel, famous for his sharp wit, asks for port wine & then
            makes them all laugh with a joke. Spies, who so often wrote about anarchism as the entrance into
            life, prepares himself in silence to enter into death.

            “The spectators in the orchestra of the theater fix their view on the scaffold — a sign, a noise, the
            trap door gives way, now they die, in a horrible dance, twisting in the air. [Here he quotes Martí.]

            “José Martí wrote the story of the execution of the anarchists in Chicago. The working class of the
            world will bring them back to life every first of May. That was still unknown, but Martí always writes
            as if he is listening for the cry of a newborn where it is least expected.”
            "A time will come, when from our coffins
            "Will rise a powerful voice,
            "Stronger than that which you want now to choke,
            "A thousand times stronger, more striking!"

            These were the last words of Spies...
            Hangmen, what do you gain from this?
            Did you annihilate the spiritual giant?
            Did you extinguish the sun?

             "August Spies," by David Edelshtat (Oct 10, 1890; translated
            from Yiddish by Ori Kiritz) from, Kiritz, Ori. The
            Poetics of Anarchy: David Edelshtat's Revolutionary Poetry.
            (Frankfurt: Lang, Europaischer Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1997.)...................................

Karl Marx. Capital Volume One Part I: Commodities and Money Chapter One: Commodities


SECTION 2
THE TWOFOLD CHARACTER OF
THE LABOUR EMBODIED IN COMMODITIES

At first sight a commodity presented itself to us as a complex of two things – use value and exchange value. Later on, we saw also that labour, too, possesses the same twofold nature; for, so far as it finds expression in value, it does not possess the same characteristics that belong to it as a creator of use values. I was the first to point out and to examine critically this twofold nature of the labour contained in commodities. As this point is the pivot on which a clear comprehension of political economy turns, we must go more into detail.
Let us take two commodities such as a coat and 10 yards of linen, and let the former be double the value of the latter, so that, if 10 yards of linen = W, the coat = 2W.
The coat is a use value that satisfies a particular want. Its existence is the result of a special sort of productive activity, the nature of which is determined by its aim, mode of operation, subject, means, and result. The labour, whose utility is thus represented by the value in use of its product, or which manifests itself by making its product a use value, we call useful labour. In this connection we consider only its useful effect.
As the coat and the linen are two qualitatively different use values, so also are the two forms of labour that produce them, tailoring and weaving. Were these two objects not qualitatively different, not produced respectively by labour of different quality, they could not stand to each other in the relation of commodities. Coats are not exchanged for coats, one use value is not exchanged for another of the same kind.
To all the different varieties of values in use there correspond as many different kinds of useful labour, classified according to the order, genus, species, and variety to which they belong in the social division of labour. This division of labour is a necessary condition for the production of commodities, but it does not follow, conversely, that the production of commodities is a necessary condition for the division of labour. In the primitive Indian community there is social division of labour, without production of commodities. Or, to take an example nearer home, in every factory the labour is divided according to a system, but this division is not brought about by the operatives mutually exchanging their individual products. Only such products can become commodities with regard to each other, as result from different kinds of labour, each kind being carried on independently and for the account of private individuals.
To resume, then: In the use value of each commodity there is contained useful labour, i.e., productive activity of a definite kind and exercised with a definite aim. Use values cannot confront each other as commodities, unless the useful labour embodied in them is qualitatively different in each of them. In a community, the produce of which in general takes the form of commodities, i.e., in a community of commodity producers, this qualitative difference between the useful forms of labour that are carried on independently of individual producers, each on their own account, develops into a complex system, a social division of labour.
Anyhow, whether the coat be worn by the tailor or by his customer, in either case it operates as a use value. Nor is the relation between the coat and the labour that produced it altered by the circumstance that tailoring may have become a special trade, an independent branch of the social division of labour. Wherever the want of clothing forced them to it, the human race made clothes for thousands of years, without a single man becoming a tailor. But coats and linen, like every other element of material wealth that is not the spontaneous produce of Nature, must invariably owe their existence to a special productive activity, exercised with a definite aim, an activity that appropriates particular nature-given materials to particular human wants. So far therefore as labour is a creator of use value, is useful labour, it is a necessary condition, independent of all forms of society, for the existence of the human race; it is an eternal nature-imposed necessity, without which there can be no material exchanges between man and Nature, and therefore no life.
The use values, coat, linen, &c., i.e., the bodies of commodities, are combinations of two elements – matter and labour. If we take away the useful labour expended upon them, a material substratum is always left, which is furnished by Nature without the help of man. The latter can work only as Nature does, that is by changing the form of matter.[13] Nay more, in this work of changing the form he is constantly helped by natural forces. We see, then, that labour is not the only source of material wealth, of use values produced by labour. As William Petty puts it, labour is its father and the earth its mother.
Let us now pass from the commodity considered as a use value to the value of commodities.
By our assumption, the coat is worth twice as much as the linen. But this is a mere quantitative difference, which for the present does not concern us. We bear in mind, however, that if the value of the coat is double that of 10 yds of linen, 20 yds of linen must have the same value as one coat. So far as they are values, the coat and the linen are things of a like substance, objective expressions of essentially identical labour. But tailoring and weaving are, qualitatively, different kinds of labour. There are, however, states of society in which one and the same man does tailoring and weaving alternately, in which case these two forms of labour are mere modifications of the labour of the same individual, and not special and fixed functions of different persons, just as the coat which our tailor makes one day, and the trousers which he makes another day, imply only a variation in the labour of one and the same individual. Moreover, we see at a glance that, in our capitalist society, a given portion of human labour is, in accordance with the varying demand, at one time supplied in the form of tailoring, at another in the form of weaving. This change may possibly not take place without friction, but take place it must.
Productive activity, if we leave out of sight its special form, viz., the useful character of the labour, is nothing but the expenditure of human labour power. Tailoring and weaving, though qualitatively different productive activities, are each a productive expenditure of human brains, nerves, and muscles, and in this sense are human labour. They are but two different modes of expending human labour power. Of course, this labour power, which remains the same under all its modifications, must have attained a certain pitch of development before it can be expended in a multiplicity of modes. But the value of a commodity represents human labour in the abstract, the expenditure of human labour in general. And just as in society, a general or a banker plays a great part, but mere man, on the other hand, a very shabby part,[14] so here with mere human labour. It is the expenditure of simple labour power, i.e., of the labour power which, on an average, apart from any special development, exists in the organism of every ordinary individual. Simple average labour, it is true, varies in character in different countries and at different times, but in a particular society it is given. Skilled labour counts only as simple labour intensified, or rather, as multiplied simple labour, a given quantity of skilled being considered equal to a greater quantity of simple labour. Experience shows that this reduction is constantly being made. A commodity may be the product of the most skilled labour, but its value, by equating it to the product of simple unskilled labour, represents a definite quantity of the latter labour alone.[15] The different proportions in which different sorts of labour are reduced to unskilled labour as their standard, are established by a social process that goes on behind the backs of the producers, and, consequently, appear to be fixed by custom. For simplicity’s sake we shall henceforth account every kind of labour to be unskilled, simple labour; by this we do no more than save ourselves the trouble of making the reduction.
Just as, therefore, in viewing the coat and linen as values, we abstract from their different use values, so it is with the labour represented by those values: we disregard the difference between its useful forms, weaving and tailoring. As the use values, coat and linen, are combinations of special productive activities with cloth and yarn, while the values, coat and linen, are, on the other hand, mere homogeneous congelations of undifferentiated labour, so the labour embodied in these latter values does not count by virtue of its productive relation to cloth and yarn, but only as being expenditure of human labour power. Tailoring and weaving are necessary factors in the creation of the use values, coat and linen, precisely because these two kinds of labour are of different qualities; but only in so far as abstraction is made from their special qualities, only in so far as both possess the same quality of being human labour, do tailoring and weaving form the substance of the values of the same articles.
Coats and linen, however, are not merely values, but values of definite magnitude, and according to our assumption, the coat is worth twice as much as the ten yards of linen. Whence this difference in their values? It is owing to the fact that the linen contains only half as much labour as the coat, and consequently, that in the production of the latter, labour power must have been expended during twice the time necessary for the production of the former.
While, therefore, with reference to use value, the labour contained in a commodity counts only qualitatively, with reference to value it counts only quantitatively, and must first be reduced to human labour pure and simple. In the former case, it is a question of How and What, in the latter of How much? How long a time? Since the magnitude of the value of a commodity represents only the quantity of labour embodied in it, it follows that all commodities, when taken in certain proportions, must be equal in value.
If the productive power of all the different sorts of useful labour required for the production of a coat remains unchanged, the sum of the values of the coats produced increases with their number. If one coat represents x days’ labour, two coats represent 2x days’ labour, and so on. But assume that the duration of the labour necessary for the production of a coat becomes doubled or halved. In the first case one coat is worth as much as two coats were before; in the second case, two coats are only worth as much as one was before, although in both cases one coat renders the same service as before, and the useful labour embodied in it remains of the same quality. But the quantity of labour spent on its production has altered.
An increase in the quantity of use values is an increase of material wealth. With two coats two men can be clothed, with one coat only one man. Nevertheless, an increased quantity of material wealth may correspond to a simultaneous fall in the magnitude of its value. This antagonistic movement has its origin in the twofold character of labour. Productive power has reference, of course, only to labour of some useful concrete form, the efficacy of any special productive activity during a given time being dependent on its productiveness. Useful labour becomes, therefore, a more or less abundant source of products, in proportion to the rise or fall of its productiveness. On the other hand, no change in this productiveness affects the labour represented by value. Since productive power is an attribute of the concrete useful forms of labour, of course it can no longer have any bearing on that labour, so soon as we make abstraction from those concrete useful forms. However then productive power may vary, the same labour, exercised during equal periods of time, always yields equal amounts of value. But it will yield, during equal periods of time, different quantities of values in use; more, if the productive power rise, fewer, if it fall. The same change in productive power, which increases the fruitfulness of labour, and, in consequence, the quantity of use values produced by that labour, will diminish the total value of this increased quantity of use values, provided such change shorten the total labour time necessary for their production; and vice versâ.
On the one hand all labour is, speaking physiologically, an expenditure of human labour power, and in its character of identical abstract human labour, it creates and forms the value of commodities. On the other hand, all labour is the expenditure of human labour power in a special form and with a definite aim, and in this, its character of concrete useful labour, it produces use values.[16]

Karl Marx. Capital Volume One Part I: Commodities and Money Chapter One: Commodities


SECTION 1
THE TWO FACTORS OF A COMMODITY:
USE-VALUE AND VALUE
(THE SUBSTANCE OF VALUE AND THE MAGNITUDE OF VALUE)

The wealth of those societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails, presents itself as “an immense accumulation of commodities,”[1] its unit being a single commodity. Our investigation must therefore begin with the analysis of a commodity.
A commodity is, in the first place, an object outside us, a thing that by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or another. The nature of such wants, whether, for instance, they spring from the stomach or from fancy, makes no difference.[2] Neither are we here concerned to know how the object satisfies these wants, whether directly as means of subsistence, or indirectly as means of production.
Every useful thing, as iron, paper, &c., may be looked at from the two points of view of quality and quantity. It is an assemblage of many properties, and may therefore be of use in various ways. To discover the various uses of things is the work of history.[3] So also is the establishment of socially-recognized standards of measure for the quantities of these useful objects. The diversity of these measures has its origin partly in the diverse nature of the objects to be measured, partly in convention.
The utility of a thing makes it a use value.[4] But this utility is not a thing of air. Being limited by the physical properties of the commodity, it has no existence apart from that commodity. A commodity, such as iron, corn, or a diamond, is therefore, so far as it is a material thing, a use value, something useful. This property of a commodity is independent of the amount of labour required to appropriate its useful qualities. When treating of use value, we always assume to be dealing with definite quantities, such as dozens of watches, yards of linen, or tons of iron. The use values of commodities furnish the material for a special study, that of the commercial knowledge of commodities.[5] Use values become a reality only by use or consumption: they also constitute the substance of all wealth, whatever may be the social form of that wealth. In the form of society we are about to consider, they are, in addition, the material depositories of exchange value.
Exchange value, at first sight, presents itself as a quantitative relation, as the proportion in which values in use of one sort are exchanged for those of another sort,[6] a relation constantly changing with time and place. Hence exchange value appears to be something accidental and purely relative, and consequently an intrinsic value, i.e., an exchange value that is inseparably connected with, inherent in commodities, seems a contradiction in terms.[7] Let us consider the matter a little more closely.
A given commodity, e.g., a quarter of wheat is exchanged for x blacking, y silk, or z gold, &c. – in short, for other commodities in the most different proportions. Instead of one exchange value, the wheat has, therefore, a great many. But since x blacking, y silk, or z gold &c., each represents the exchange value of one quarter of wheat, x blacking, y silk, z gold, &c., must, as exchange values, be replaceable by each other, or equal to each other. Therefore, first: the valid exchange values of a given commodity express something equal; secondly, exchange value, generally, is only the mode of expression, the phenomenal form, of something contained in it, yet distinguishable from it.
Let us take two commodities, e.g., corn and iron. The proportions in which they are exchangeable, whatever those proportions may be, can always be represented by an equation in which a given quantity of corn is equated to some quantity of iron: e.g., 1 quarter corn = x cwt. iron. What does this equation tell us? It tells us that in two different things – in 1 quarter of corn and x cwt. of iron, there exists in equal quantities something common to both. The two things must therefore be equal to a third, which in itself is neither the one nor the other. Each of them, so far as it is exchange value, must therefore be reducible to this third.
A simple geometrical illustration will make this clear. In order to calculate and compare the areas of rectilinear figures, we decompose them into triangles. But the area of the triangle itself is expressed by something totally different from its visible figure, namely, by half the product of the base multiplied by the altitude. In the same way the exchange values of commodities must be capable of being expressed in terms of something common to them all, of which thing they represent a greater or less quantity.
This common “something” cannot be either a geometrical, a chemical, or any other natural property of commodities. Such properties claim our attention only in so far as they affect the utility of those commodities, make them use values. But the exchange of commodities is evidently an act characterised by a total abstraction from use value. Then one use value is just as good as another, provided only it be present in sufficient quantity. Or, as old Barbon says,
“one sort of wares are as good as another, if the values be equal. There is no difference or distinction in things of equal value ... An hundred pounds’ worth of lead or iron, is of as great value as one hundred pounds’ worth of silver or gold.”[8]
As use values, commodities are, above all, of different qualities, but as exchange values they are merely different quantities, and consequently do not contain an atom of use value.
If then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour. But even the product of labour itself has undergone a change in our hands. If we make abstraction from its use value, we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the products themselves, we put out of sight both the useful character of the various kinds of labour embodied in them, and the concrete forms of that labour; there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract.
Let us now consider the residue of each of these products; it consists of the same unsubstantial reality in each, a mere congelation of homogeneous human labour, of labour power expended without regard to the mode of its expenditure. All that these things now tell us is, that human labour power has been expended in their production, that human labour is embodied in them. When looked at as crystals of this social substance, common to them all, they are – Values.
We have seen that when commodities are exchanged, their exchange value manifests itself as something totally independent of their use value. But if we abstract from their use value, there remains their Value as defined above. Therefore, the common substance that manifests itself in the exchange value of commodities, whenever they are exchanged, is their value. The progress of our investigation will show that exchange value is the only form in which the value of commodities can manifest itself or be expressed. For the present, however, we have to consider the nature of value independently of this, its form.
A use value, or useful article, therefore, has value only because human labour in the abstract has been embodied or materialised in it. How, then, is the magnitude of this value to be measured? Plainly, by the quantity of the value-creating substance, the labour, contained in the article. The quantity of labour, however, is measured by its duration, and labour time in its turn finds its standard in weeks, days, and hours.
Some people might think that if the value of a commodity is determined by the quantity of labour spent on it, the more idle and unskilful the labourer, the more valuable would his commodity be, because more time would be required in its production. The labour, however, that forms the substance of value, is homogeneous human labour, expenditure of one uniform labour power. The total labour power of society, which is embodied in the sum total of the values of all commodities produced by that society, counts here as one homogeneous mass of human labour power, composed though it be of innumerable individual units. Each of these units is the same as any other, so far as it has the character of the average labour power of society, and takes effect as such; that is, so far as it requires for producing a commodity, no more time than is needed on an average, no more than is socially necessary. The labour time socially necessary is that required to produce an article under the normal conditions of production, and with the average degree of skill and intensity prevalent at the time. The introduction of power-looms into England probably reduced by one-half the labour required to weave a given quantity of yarn into cloth. The hand-loom weavers, as a matter of fact, continued to require the same time as before; but for all that, the product of one hour of their labour represented after the change only half an hour’s social labour, and consequently fell to one-half its former value.
We see then that that which determines the magnitude of the value of any article is the amount of labour socially necessary, or the labour time socially necessary for its production.[9] Each individual commodity, in this connexion, is to be considered as an average sample of its class.[10] Commodities, therefore, in which equal quantities of labour are embodied, or which can be produced in the same time, have the same value. The value of one commodity is to the value of any other, as the labour time necessary for the production of the one is to that necessary for the production of the other. “As values, all commodities are only definite masses of congealed labour time.”[11]
The value of a commodity would therefore remain constant, if the labour time required for its production also remained constant. But the latter changes with every variation in the productiveness of labour. This productiveness is determined by various circumstances, amongst others, by the average amount of skill of the workmen, the state of science, and the degree of its practical application, the social organisation of production, the extent and capabilities of the means of production, and by physical conditions. For example, the same amount of labour in favourable seasons is embodied in 8 bushels of corn, and in unfavourable, only in four. The same labour extracts from rich mines more metal than from poor mines. Diamonds are of very rare occurrence on the earth’s surface, and hence their discovery costs, on an average, a great deal of labour time. Consequently much labour is represented in a small compass. Jacob doubts whether gold has ever been paid for at its full value. This applies still more to diamonds. According to Eschwege, the total produce of the Brazilian diamond mines for the eighty years, ending in 1823, had not realised the price of one-and-a-half years’ average produce of the sugar and coffee plantations of the same country, although the diamonds cost much more labour, and therefore represented more value. With richer mines, the same quantity of labour would embody itself in more diamonds, and their value would fall. If we could succeed at a small expenditure of labour, in converting carbon into diamonds, their value might fall below that of bricks. In general, the greater the productiveness of labour, the less is the labour time required for the production of an article, the less is the amount of labour crystallised in that article, and the less is its value; and vice versâ, the less the productiveness of labour, the greater is the labour time required for the production of an article, and the greater is its value. The value of a commodity, therefore, varies directly as the quantity, and inversely as the productiveness, of the labour incorporated in it. [A]
A thing can be a use value, without having value. This is the case whenever its utility to man is not due to labour. Such are air, virgin soil, natural meadows, &c. A thing can be useful, and the product of human labour, without being a commodity. Whoever directly satisfies his wants with the produce of his own labour, creates, indeed, use values, but not commodities. In order to produce the latter, he must not only produce use values, but use values for others, social use values. (And not only for others, without more. The mediaeval peasant produced quit-rent-corn for his feudal lord and tithe-corn for his parson. But neither the quit-rent-corn nor the tithe-corn became commodities by reason of the fact that they had been produced for others. To become a commodity a product must be transferred to another, whom it will serve as a use value, by means of an exchange.)[12] Lastly nothing can have value, without being an object of utility. If the thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not count as labour, and therefore creates no value.